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She was seriously underqualified to be minister of justice, but personified the fusion of two groups to which the Trudeau Liberals prostrated themselves
In the
aftermath of the resignation of Jody Wilson-Raybould from the government, a
companion narrative to her complaints about being pressured to not launch a
criminal prosecution against the engineering firm SNC-Lavalin has arisen.
Latterly, the relations between the former justice minister and the prime
minister and his office seem to have been more of a tug of war than the
authoritarian oppression in a questionable cause portrayed by Wilson-Raybould.
Wilson-Raybould was seriously underqualified to be minister of justice, a post historically occupied by some of Canada’s leading statesmen, including prime ministers or future prime ministers Sir John A. Macdonald, Sir John Thompson, Sir Charles Tupper, R.B. Bennett, Louis S. St. Laurent, Pierre E. Trudeau, and John Turner, and party leaders and deputy-leaders A.A. Dorion, Edward Blake, Ernest Lapointe, Sir Oliver Mowat (after 25 years as premier of Ontario), Sir Lomer Gouin (after 15 years as premier of Quebec), and the great John Crosbie. And other justice ministers of fairly recent memory, such as Davie Fulton, Lionel Chevrier, Marc Lalonde, Irwin Cotler and Peter MacKay, had earned considerable stature as lawyers or legislators. Wilson-Raybould was a Crown prosecutor for three years and then spent 12 years as a native rights activist-administrator and politician. But she personified the fusion of two groups to which the Justin Trudeau Liberal party and regime prostrated themselves like postulants before Pope Alexander (Borgia) VI (seeking to kiss a foot, nothing so egalitarian as a ring).
As a chief
commissioner of the British Columbia Treaties Commission, and as regional chief
of the Association of First Nations in British Columbia, Wilson-Raybould and
her husband authored an 800-page book called the British Columbia Association
of First Nations Governance Toolkit — a Guide to Nation-Building. It was a
toolkit for the self-emasculation of Canada as a sovereign jurisdiction, and a
guide to the jurisdictional destruction of Canada as a nation and its voluntary
submission, on grounds of the alleged moral turpitude of the European
discoverers and settlers of this country, to the overlordship of the
notoriously ragged self-defined communities of partially pre-European descended
people in Canada. Her declared objective was to “take back” what the natives
had lost. I have written here before, that where we are headed in public policy
is the implicit recognition that the European occupation of Canada was morally
indistinguishable, other than in the sophistication of its brutality, from the
Nazi-Soviet occupation of Poland in 1939. Because the occupation was by waves
and centuries of generations of peaceable civilians, the withdrawal of the
invader, unlike the case of Poland in 1939–44, is not expected, merely the
admission by the 98.5 per cent of the population who qualify as comparative
latecomers, that the perfidy of their antecedents requires them to become the
servile enrichers of the long-wronged natives.
Jody
Wilson-Raybould and her husband, Tim Raybould, attend a 4th of July party at
the U.S. Embassy in Ottawa in 2016. The couple authored an 800-page book called
the British Columbia Association of First Nations Governance Toolkit — a Guide
to Nation-Building. Photo by Caroline Phillips/Postmedia News
Article
content
Wilson-Raybould
came out of the ministerial gate like a fire horse and throughout her tenure
wore her nativist colours threadbare. She declared the so-called Indian
treaties to be invalid, and redefined them as the right of the natives “to
self-determination and self-government.” She was instrumental in trumpeting the
(Justin) Trudeau government’s “Rights and Recognition Framework,” unveiled in
February 2018, as shifting the rights under Section 35 of the Charter of Rights
and Freedoms as not applying only to Aboriginal rights that existed in 1982,
but to all laws and official practices.
This would,
in practice, have a severe impact on the disposition, regulation or
exploitation of any significant natural resource anywhere in Canada. The
economic development and growth of Canada that had anything to do with natural
resources would be dictated by any of these 600 native organizations all
purporting, with enthused government quiescence, to be “nations” negotiating,
on a basis of equality with the one nation of all the rest of Canada, i.e., one
nation of 601 juridically equal entities, although one particular entity
comprises 98.5 per cent of the population and has been recognized by the world
as Canada’s government for 152 years.
She
intervened in the Restoule case, dealing with the Robinson treaties over the
northern Great Lakes, and worked to ensure that the settlement would be
declared retroactive to 1874 — a back-digging lottery jackpot for 21 First
Nations without buying a ticket. The justice minister found herself in
increasingly difficult disagreement with the minister for Crown-Indigenous
Relations (a ludicrously Victorian title), Carolyn Bennett, who made a
commendable effort to prevent the non-native 98.5 per cent of Canadians from
being left shivering fiscally and culturally for the supposed wrongdoing of
their forebears, and in the case of descendants of non-European immigrants,
such as Asians or people from the Caribbean, coated in vicarious guilt.
Some of us
warned where this was going. The prime minister and his senior collaborators,
including the former principal secretary (Gerald Butts) and the clerk of the
Privy Council (Michael Wernick, a non-political figure and the country’s senior
civil servant), finally, after warning signals had become more frequent than a
healthy jogger’s heartbeat in mid-run, and louder than the foghorn of R.M.S.
Queen Mary, tried to put on the brakes. The prime minister shuffled the justice
minister to veteran’s affairs (for which she was even less qualified than she
was to be attorney general — I don’t like to imagine what her conception of war
veterans was). On her way out, on Jan. 11, Wilson-Raybould issued a “practice
directive” to the justice ministry requiring Crown lawyers to cease adversarial
arguments against Aboriginal litigants. She had, throughout her tenure, tied
the government’s hands in responding to suits from Aboriginal organizations,
and as she left, she tried to impose a policy of outright surrender on the
government and the 98.5 per cent majority of Canadians.
Wernick,
after his waffling ruminations about disorderly and violent tendencies in
society, pulled himself together and invited Parliament and the media to focus
on the former minister of justice’s glaring conflict of interest as the
attorney for the Crown. It was scandalous and an outrageous abuse of her office
that as attorney for the Crown she ordered her officials to capitulate to
Indigenous claimants. She should be criticized, not lionized, other
than by her fellow Aboriginals, for whom she has been the most effective
advocate of their cause since Louis Riel, and an unprecedentedly effective
driver of the gravy train. The government deserves no credit for taking so long
to wake up, but it can’t be blamed for seeing the light at last. SNC-Lavalin is
a sideshow, and as I have written here before, isn’t much of a scandal, unless
there were bribes on the repair of Montreal’s Jacques Cartier Bridge.
The
opposition parties should have shaped up long before this, and taken the
position that the Europeans and other immigrants who came to Canada moved into
largely vacant land, through which perhaps 200,000 natives travelled
nomadically, fine exemplars of a Bronze Age civilization that had not yet
developed the wheel, knitted fabrics, or, with slight exceptions, agriculture
or durable buildings. The first European governor, Samuel de Champlain, was a
brilliant and civilized and philo-Aboriginal emissary of the civilization of
Montaigne, Descartes, Leonardo, Michelangelo and, though a citizen of a rival
nation, Shakespeare. We should all stop simpering, shut down the Indigenous
grievance racket, devise a serious reform policy and stop acting like pathetic
apologists for the brave and good people who built this country, the Aboriginal
people first among them.
The natives
have entirely legitimate grievances and we have to address them, but not by
throwing money at undemocratic leaders and accepting the blood libel that we
are the descendants of barbarians. Nothing in the commonly accepted history of
Canada, one of the world’s most generous peoples, is further from the truth
than that.
USE THE LINK HERE FOR IMAGES AND VIDEO AND THE STORY
https://nationalpost.com/opinion/conrad-black-snc-lavalin-is-a-sideshow-to-the-real-wilson-raybould-issue
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